I
Netflix is staring at a great opportunity: House of Cards’ third season is superbly stylized, elegantly fluffy, and one helluva gamble. Sticking stubbornly to the now singular plot, Beau Willimon’s team behind the defining political drama of our present Americana is as slick as any requisitioned by President Underwood or his former corpocratic Chief of Staff, Remy Danton. Subsequently, we have lost a bit of the atmospheric narrativity that initially contributed to HoC’s well-deserved awards. Moreover, as Ian Crouch articulates in The New Yorker, far too much pacing is mired in “…long scenes of brooding and political maneuvers that signify nothing,” a “tedium of domestic governance.” However, this is simply the best way to set the stage: with a stagnant equilibrium established, I retain a faith that the probing complexities of a fourth season will entertain audiences with an even darker and more fantastical drama.
Fewer texts were sent this season and that is a damn shame. The dubious communiques of previous seasons between Doug and Rachel were inspired innovation, a micro-narrative in between the “From” and “Sent” indicators of a single text—brilliant. Communication as a whole is being massively reformed through the smartphone and social media, topicalities well exemplified through the journalist characters of the previous seasons. Zoe Barnes established a legitimacy of digital communication heretofore reserved for less serious circles; she bridged a generation and experience gap, affirming the ubiquity and quintessential expectation of the ‘texting’ communicative agency of our culture. By everyone, for anyone. This season, not only is the format completely switched to the Windows 8 UI, but doing so reeks of Faustian product-placement. While the same might be said of the initial format, the subsequent change in form and presence throughout the narrative drains the show of worthwhile character. A symbol like Zoe Barnes and contemporary progressivism creates the opportunity for narrative innovation. Season 2 showed us how exactly Frank, who embodies that ideology as well, deals with the choice between dogmatic faithful adherence and personal gain. Yet as it stands, Frank remains only a symbol of ruthless power and aside from legitimizing breaks in the fourth wall—something that we saw far too little this time around—is losing steam as a symbol, but not necessarily as a character. I need to see more from Frank Underwood, his schemes, how they can continue to evolve contemporary narrativity and it constitute genuine literature.
As POTUS, however, one rarely has to take such initiative for engagement; Frank dispatches dilemmas and developments as they are brought to him, with a crisp zeal well-suited to his character. From the Jordan Valley to…goddammit, it’s just so boring. With his America Works legislation/scheme only partially exempt, the pedantic pacing of quotidian governance is fiction that does American politics justice. Unfortunately, the sheer tedium of this representation creates only an aura of insufficiency for the Underwoods; if we are to have faith that their characters simply have yet to recover from the experience of a year in the Oval Office, a fourth season should be drastically different. Even the campaigning and the all-too-predictable enmity with Dunbar portend either more droll entertainment of a homogenous nature or augur a fantastical change in thematic direction for the series.
Viktor Petrov is the sole redeeming addition to the House of Cards pantheon. Yes, America Works is prescient discussion and Heather Dunbar and Jackie Sharp are well-rounded, empathetic and strong women characters; Freddy breaking the truth of being a black man in America to his grandson is also a touching, achingly aware scene that manages to keep our racial status quo within the purview of discussion. Yet despite all these worthwhile facets, not only do they fall far short of doing their controversies justice, but they cannot compare to the flare and presence of a revived rival. With American-Russian relations at a disastrously fascinating post-Cold War low, Lars Mikkelson creates an adversary so immensely powerful and eccentrically plausible that he outshines being Kevin Spacey’s foil into an effulgent, wily booby-trap—shaking hands is simply out of the respect that there exist no other players in their game. The Russian President isn’t merely a ‘bizzaro’ inversion of civility, but a palpable undercurrent of warped humanity that is as much a part of neoliberalism as shame is of plangent nationalism:
“I think she should be gone.”
“Gone in what way? Gone from these negotiations?”
“As ambassador, my final condition.”
“That cannot be on the table.”
“It is, and it’s non-negotiable.”
Frank ensured Claire as ambassador because, ultimately, she is his wife; while politically dubious, few anticipated the move as a vulnerability, not simply for the Underwoods, but potentially for the world as well. Petrov nailed it with mirth, underscoring how interchangeable the presidents’ moralities are with one another: Frank’s shame for making such a misstep and Petrov’s humanity for preserving the requisite ruthlessness of effective governance at the most rarified levels.
Herein resides the singular fault of the third season: it contained a paucity of the depraved humanity that usually charges its characters. The senator, a reporter, a really good cook, the shrewd magnate; Frank, Zoe, Freddy, and Tusk in the first and second seasons built these characters into more than mere representations, exemplars—they commit drastic decisions just like we do, only playing in a field where perversion, duplicity, and cruelty aren’t simply defaults, they are the necessary tools of the trade. Our empathies and idle fantasies are massaged through this entertainment into an escape that magnifies our present lives and indulges desires which we never even knew we, somewhat unnervingly, enjoyed. Season Three left us at the top, a view of the world for which few are eligible and still fewer attain: having torturously taken it all in, quite simply, “the White House is not enough.”
I cannot resign my dedication to this fantastic story simply because of a stagnate conclusion; the ideals of the politician who did that dog a merciful duty are at their end. There is a fork in the path. I do not want to see Frank’s failed general election bid end in proxy control, I do not want him to helm the world’s most powerful corporation, I do not want him to become a lobbyist. I do not want him dead, with Claire finally getting her lead. These and other such possible extensions will end the relevancy of House of Cards amidst its competitors and bid for legacy. We have, however, a solitary, fantastic ploy in the wings: Tom Yates and his propaganda. As he so presciently noted, the book Frank commissioned, while underpinning the impetus behind America Works, is really about the Underwood’s marriage. Which may have just ended. Season Three is needed to remove Francis’ moral compass and wife from the equation. Gamble big. Next February, Frank snaps.
II
One writer’s appeal to Beau Willimon; you gave us this much:
Tom Yates and Kate Baldwin, Chapter 34:
“The ramparts of the fort were still a mile away, but he reached the point of no return. Turning back was no longer an option.
“With the world’s eyes upon him, he continues to ignore precedent, convention, and some would say the law.
“Why did he cross that invisible line? Why risk his life despite the great odds stacked against him?
“Critics have been harsh, and yet most have stopped short of naming Underwood what he truly is, a tyrant.
“What drove Napoleon to keep marching toward Moscow, or Hannibal to cross the alps?
“The warning signs are there, it’s our responsibility to heed them.
“What kept a young Frank Underwood swimming onward, what kept him from drowning?”
Claire kept America safe.
In her absence, in his burgeoning insanity, what can Frank do? What he always does, with twice as much conviction, half the morality, and an infinity of power. He convinces Yates to come back into the fold and continue to write the book in a personal style, something the administration can spin into an inchoate cult of personality. Such blinding dogma is orchestrated by two of the most powerful men steering America, Francis and Doug both having murdered to get there. Now let us suppose, in the face of defeat or irrelevance, they embrace that same demonic willingness. Let us watch the rise of a populist, jingoist ideology centered around the charismatic Frank Underwood, the President who ensured a job for every citizen—the sole nostrum capable of precluding the public from heeding the warning signs. Let us see Meachum appointed as head of a newly omnipotent Secret Service, an organization conjoined with the NSA and National Guard to form a draconian amalgam of fascist policing. An insatiable motor drives our potentate, the same one with which Claire demeaned him as he sat upon his throne, “…you are not enough.” He’s not enough to keep Claire involved, to keep the most powerful partnership in the world together…to shoulder the danger of keeping America at risk through maintaining our outmoded democratic principles. Without Claire as Frank’s moral compass, Doug, the recovering alcoholic, amoral fixer, and Chief of Staff serves to enable and compound their most dangerous instincts. Capote’s In Cold Blood crafts such a friendship: the Clutters wouldn’t have been killed had Dick Hickock attempted to plunder that safe without Perry Smith, without a partner to embody the Devil’s imprecations: “You’ll not find a cent, You’ve lost all hope, You haven’t the balls to exact revenge; You’ll never be a great president, You can’t lead these people, You won’t do what needs to be done.”
Let Francis Underwood stare out over America, AmWorks creating jobs, the propaganda flaming popularity, gazing at Petrov. Let Doug stand beside, if ever so slightly behind, him; let Meachum and Yates revel in their power; let Claire gather herself, and the rebellion, together. In a fourth season, entertain America with the birth of a symbol, a tyrant we’ve never seen: Francis Underwood, the American Emperor.
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